2010年1月22日星期五

[GFW BLOG] 希拉里・罗德姆・克林顿:互联网时代的铁幕(2010年1月21日,华盛顿特区,新闻博物馆)

来源:http://ekissinger2005.spaces.live.com/Blog/cns!E4206F3B39EC015D!1517.entry

昨天上午,希拉里在华盛顿的新闻博物馆(Newseum, 1997年春建馆,2008年春迁到位于宾夕法尼亚大道555号的新址)发表了题为《互联网自由》的演说。我刚刚在美国国务院的网站上观看了演说的视频并阅读了文字记录。这场全长约一小时、全文近8500字的演说很可能将成为希拉里在国务卿任上最重要的一次演说。她以超乎寻常的坚定口吻,将信息自由提升到美国国家战略和全球战略的高度。

"Now, the principles I’ve outlined today will guide our approach in addressing the issue of internet freedom and the use of these technologies. And I want to speak about how we apply them in practice. The United States is committed to devoting the diplomatic, economic, and technological resources necessary to advance these freedoms. We are a nation made up of immigrants from every country and every interest that spans the globe. Our foreign policy is premised on the idea that no country more than America stands to benefit when there is cooperation among peoples and states. And no country shoulders a heavier burden when conflict and misunderstanding drive nations apart. So we are well placed to seize the opportunities that come with interconnectivity. And as the birthplace for so many of these technologies, including the internet itself, we have a responsibility to see them used for good. To do that, we need to develop our capacity for what we call, at the State Department, 21st century statecraft."

" 我今天概述的这些原则将成为我们对待互联网自由及其技术使用问题的指导方针。我要谈谈我们在实践中是如何应用这些原则的。美国致力于为促进这些自由投入必 要的外交、经济和技术资源。美国是一个由来自各个国家、反映全球各种利益的移民组成的国家。我们的外交政策基于这样一种理念:当人民之间和国家之间合作 时,美国比任何其他国家都受益。当冲突与误解造成国家间的不合时,美国肩负着比任何国家都更沉重的负担。因此,我们处于有利位置,可以抓住这些随相互连接 而来的机遇。我们作为如此众多技术的诞生地,有责任确保它们从善使用。为此,我们需要建立能力,以推行我们在国务院称之为21世纪外交方略的规划。"

[中文翻译是美国国务院提供的官方文本,可以看出译者的中文并非十分娴熟;我认为可以翻译得更准确、更好地体现演说本身的文采。]

Hillary Rodham Clinton: Remarks on Internet Freedom (January 21, 2010, Washington D.C.)

克林顿国务卿关于互联网自由的讲话

总长度:1小时
演讲部分:40分钟,5800字
问答部分:20分钟,2600字


下面简单地记录一些要点和感想。

1. 希拉里全程脱稿演讲,且字正腔圆,字字珠玑,与朗诵演讲稿一般无异。这样的演讲功力,我以为在当世不是“罕有其匹”,而是“无人能匹”。62岁的希拉里作为一代政治家的演讲力已臻化境,更因其芝加哥口音比小石城的南方口音更为悦耳,其夫克林顿亦稍逊三分。

2. 注意到这个演说的起因竟然是中文网站上(不得不置顶的)高调的官方回应。一大早起来就被类似的头条晃得眼睛疼。

3. 我的三个偶像之一,60岁的James Fallows昨天在新闻博物馆出席了希拉里的演讲,并从现场发回了珍贵的报道(博客):

At this moment, I am at the Newseum, in Washington, watching Sec. of State Hillary Clinton deliver a very tough and (so far) very tightly reasoned speech about what she presents as the next great global battle of ideas: ensuring that the Internet remain a tool of openness, opportunity, expression, and possibility rather than of one of control, surveillance, suppression, and division, plus terror and crime. Details and assessment some time later today, but I have the sense while listening that this is an event and a statement that will be studied and discussed for quite a while.

4. 从历史大方向上来说,这次演说所体现的精神无疑体现了历史进步的力量──无论是站在美国的价值观,还是中国的价值观,还是世界上任何民族、国家的价值观的 立场上来说都是如此──因为自由是全人类的共同的追求。但在通往这个大方向的路途中的艰难险阻、曲折反复乃至流血牺牲,都是吾辈不得不在有生之年亲历的。 这是一种悲哀,还是一种幸运?

在历史的长河中,我倾向于认为西方和美国只是比中国和其他国家“早到”了几十年或者几百年而已。这个理论可 能是不准确的甚至是错的,比如地理、气候决定论,对我就曾一度、现在依然有较强的吸引力和说服力。尽管如此,我依然坚持我的想法。换言之,中国今后的要走 的道路固然会因其国情和历史而具有特殊性,但也一定具有相当的普遍性──表现在中国今后所要面临的众多问题是西方国家已经挣扎了几百年并已经得到比较好的 解决的。许多根本性的问题,比如思想、言论和表达的自由,就在其中。任何熟悉西方历史的人都知道,中国今天的不自由、政府的管制在西方历史全都存在过,表 现形式可能不同,但万变不离其宗。很多国人觉得西人身上有种令人厌恶的优越感,但这种优越感和大人看小孩时的优越感是一样的──虽然一个聪明的大人一定会 掩饰这种优越感以博得孩子的好感。小孩对不加掩饰的优越感的反感也在情理之中。

很多国人并不完全理解美国为什么那么看重价值观;中国官方 的文本常常说自由、民主这些价值观是虚伪的,是为了掩饰在背后支撑的大资本家的物质利益。不尽然。这是一个根本性的问题,可能要写一本书才能充分说明。我 的理解简单归纳起来就是一句话:价值观是美国的立国之本和美利坚民族凝聚力的根源;舍此即国将不国。中国的立国之本和中华民族凝聚力的根本是什么?是我们 悠久的历史和璀璨的文化,是唐诗宋词、秦砖汉瓦,是在这片土地上耕作几千年所形成的千丝万缕的剪不断理还乱的感情和精神纽带。而美国──全世界各个角落、 各个种族的人民为了逃避迫害和瘟疫、为了淘金和追梦来到这片蛮荒的、没有成规可循的土地,是什么将他们凝聚到一起、摒弃种族间的仇恨和隔阂、彼此认同进而 融合成一个新的民族?只是代表着人类共同梦想的这些理念:自由、平等、博爱。

今天的世界由美国高举自由的大旗,是历史的偶然──从哥伦布踏上新大陆的那一刻就已经决定──某种程度上也是历史的幸运。要一个真正的美国人放弃她的价值观,就像要一个真正的中国人忘记她的母语、忘记包含着民族文化基因的诗词一样,是绝对不能接受的。

5. 演说本身具有高度的象征意义──特别是因为大胆运用了“铁幕”这个意象。虽然"Iron Curtain"这个词语只出现了一次,除此之外,连"curtain"这个单词也只出现了一次──但是,冲击力如此强烈的意象,出现一次已足够振聋发聩。

As I speak to you today, government censors somewhere are working furiously to erase my words from the records of history. But history itself has already condemned these tactics. Two months ago, I was in Germany to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. The leaders gathered at that ceremony paid tribute to the courageous men and women on the far side of that barrier who made the case against oppression by circulating small pamphlets called samizdat. Now, these leaflets questioned the claims and intentions of dictatorships in the Eastern Bloc and many people paid dearly for distributing them. But their words helped pierce the concrete and concertina wire of the Iron Curtain.

甚 至就在我今天向你们讲演的此刻,某些地方的政府审查人员正在竭力将我的话语从历史的记录中删除。但历史早已作出裁决:这些手法注定失败。两个月前,我在德 国参加了推倒柏林墙20 周年纪念活动。参加这次活动的各国领导人向这个屏障对面那些英勇的男女志士表示敬意,他们曾经通过散发被称为“地下刊物”(Samizdat)的小册子来 阐明反对压迫的道理。这些传单对“东方集团”专制政权的宣传和用心提出了质疑。许多人因散发传单受到残酷迫害,但他们的声音帮助穿透了“铁幕”的钢筋水泥和带刺的铁丝网。

Some countries have erected electronic barriers that prevent their people from accessing portions of the world’s networks. They’ve expunged words, names, and phrases from search engine results. They have violated the privacy of citizens who engage in non-violent political speech. These actions contravene the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, which tells us that all people have the right “to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” With the spread of these restrictive practices, a new information curtain is descending across much of the world. And beyond this partition, viral videos and blog posts are becoming the samizdat of our day.

有 些国家竖起了电子屏障,阻止本国人民分享世界上的一部分网络。他们从搜索引擎提供的结果中删除字词、名称和短语。他们侵犯了那些发表非暴力政治言论的人的 隐私权。这些做法违反了《世界 [Redacted for safety concerns; see English text] 宣言》,因为《宣言》告诉我们,人人都有权通过“各种媒体不受疆界限制地寻求、接收和传播信息和思想”。由于这些限制手段的蔓延,一个新的信息帷幕正在世界上许多地方降临。为穿越这种阻隔,个人视频和博客文章正成为当今时代的“地下刊物”。

说 到此处,怎能不让人想到丘吉尔1946年3月5日在美国密苏里州中部小城富尔敦(Fulton,圣路易斯以西约100英里)的威斯敏思特学院所作的“铁幕 演说”《和平砥柱》(Iron Curtain Speech, original title: "Sinews of Peace" ;长度:4800字)?

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an "iron curtain" has descended across the Continent.  Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.

从波罗的海边的什切青到亚得里亚海边的的里雅斯特,一副横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经拉下。这张铁幕后面坐落着所有中欧、东欧古老国家的首都——华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索菲亚。这些著名的都市和周围的人口全都位于苏联势力范围之内,全都以这种或那种方式,不仅落入苏联影响之下,而且越来越强烈地为莫斯科所控制。

6. 这次演讲与谷歌风波在时间上如此接近,不可能不引发诸多联想和猜测。在谷歌风波后这一个多星期的时间里,各种理论风起云涌,如一个朋友所总结的,大致有“谷歌阴谋论,中央在下棋论(“大棋党”), 美国在下棋论,百度太牛论,谷歌领导太年轻论”等等,不一而足。在我看来,希拉里此番演说与谷歌风波的关系,就如鸡生蛋还是蛋生鸡的问题一样,既说不清楚 也没有意义。重点在于,就像我在第4点中所简述的,自由、平等等价值观是美国的立国之本和美利坚民族凝聚力的根源,不理解这一点就不可能真正理解美国。

事实上,在长达40分钟、总长度5800字的演讲部分中,Google只在下面一段中出现了两次,可以说被刻意淡化了。

Increasingly, U.S. companies are making the issue of internet and information freedom a greater consideration in their business decisions. I hope that their competitors and foreign governments will pay close attention to this trend. The most recent situation involving Google has attracted a great deal of interest. And we look to the Chinese authorities to conduct a thorough review of the cyber intrusions that led Google to make its announcement. And we also look for that investigation and its results to be transparent.

7. 演讲对自由做了有一定历史和哲学深度的讨论。就像James Fallows所指出的,这些话从大学教授的口中说出也许不足为奇,但在一个国务卿的正式演讲中得到系统阐述,极为难能可贵。

On their own, new technologies do not take sides in the struggle for freedom and progress, but the United States does. We stand for a single internet where all of humanity has equal access to knowledge and ideas. And we recognize that the world’s information infrastructure will become what we and others make of it. Now, this challenge may be new, but our responsibility to help ensure the free exchange of ideas goes back to the birth of our republic. The words of the First Amendment to our Constitution are carved in 50 tons of Tennessee marble on the front of this building. And every generation of Americans has worked to protect the values etched in that stone.

Franklin Roosevelt built on these ideas when he delivered his Four Freedoms speech in 1941. Now, at the time, Americans faced a cavalcade of crises and a crisis of confidence. But the vision of a world in which all people enjoyed freedom of expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear transcended the troubles of his day. And years later, one of my heroes, Eleanor Roosevelt, worked to have these principles adopted as a cornerstone of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They have provided a lodestar to every succeeding generation, guiding us, galvanizing us, and enabling us to move forward in the face of uncertainty.

So as technology hurtles forward, we must think back to that legacy. We need to synchronize our technological progress with our principles. In accepting the Nobel Prize, President Obama spoke about the need to build a world in which peace rests on the inherent rights and dignities of every individual. And in my speech on human rights at Georgetown a few days later, I talked about how we must find ways to make human rights a reality. Today, we find an urgent need to protect these freedoms on the digital frontiers of the 21st century.

There are many other networks in the world. Some aid in the movement of people or resources, and some facilitate exchanges between individuals with the same work or interests. But the internet is a network that magnifies the power and potential of all others. And that’s why we believe it’s critical that its users are assured certain basic freedoms. Freedom of expression is first among them. This freedom is no longer defined solely by whether citizens can go into the town square and criticize their government without fear of retribution. Blogs, emails, social networks, and text messages have opened up new forums for exchanging ideas, and created new targets for censorship.

这些新 技术本身不会在争取自由与进步的斗争中选择立场。但是,美国要做到立场鲜明。我们支持一个允许全人类平等享有知识和思想的互联网。而且我们认识到,在世界 上建立何种信息基础设施将取决于我们和其他人为之确定的性质。虽然这是一个全新的挑战,但我们确保思想自由交流的责任可追溯至和众国诞生之初。《宪法》第 一修正案的内容字字镌刻在这座大楼前那块50吨重的田纳西大理石上。世世代代的美国人都为捍卫刻在那块石头上的价值观付出了努力。

富兰克林.罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)在1941 年发表“四项自由”演讲时发扬了这些思想。当时,美国人面临着一系列的危机,此外还有信心危机。但是,对一个人人都享有言论表达自由、信仰自由、没有贫困 [应译为“免于匮乏的自由”]、没有恐惧的世界 [应译为“免于恐惧的自由”] 的憧憬冲破了他那个时代的重重困难。多年之后,我的楷模之一艾琳娜.罗斯福(Eleanor Roosevelt)努力使这些原则成为《世界 [Redacted for safety concerns; see English text] 宣言》的奠基原则。这些原则成为继往开来每一代人的北斗,引导我们、鞭策我们、促使我们在险恶的环境中勇于向前。

在 科学技术飞跃发展的时候,我们必须反思这个传统。我们需要确保科学技术的进步与我们的原则同步。在接受诺贝尔奖时,奥巴马总统讲到需要建设这样一个世界, 让和平建立在每一个人固有的权利和尊严之上。几天后在乔治敦大学关于人权的演讲中,我表示我们必须探索途径,把人权变成现实。今天,我们迫切需要在二十一 世纪的电子世界中保护这些自由。

世界上有许多其他的网络,有些帮助人员或资源的流动,有些辅助志同道合的个人之间的交流。但互联网是增强 所有其他网络的能力和潜力的一个网络,因此,我们认为确保其使用者享有某些基本自由至关重要。其中最重要的是言论表达自由。这种自由的定义不再仅仅是公民 前往市政厅前的广场批评他们的政府,而不担心遭受报复。博客、电子邮件、社交网络和手机短信开启了交流思想的新途径,也为信息审查带来了新目标。

8. 我把美国国务院提供的演讲中文译稿放在SkyDrive里,供下载和参考。演讲所涉及的问题极其广泛和深刻,远不是一篇博客所能讨论的。

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Posted By GFW Blog to GFW BLOG at 1/22/2010 03:31:00 PM

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